Wednesday, March 9, 2011

How Much Surgery Hasmarge Helgenberger

Blends & Header

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Tuesday, March 8, 2011

How To Create Your Own Wrestling Name

Again, revolutions through the Internet?

from NZZ online, 8 2. 2011

politics by other means

Can social media promoting democracy?

Since the coups in Tunisia and Egypt is an intense discussion of whether social media can promote democracy. There is no clear answer to this question, however.


By Nico Luchsinger


«Niemand ist ein Held in dieser Revolution; denn alle sind Helden.» Damit begann Wael Ghonim vor einigen Tagen eine Rede in Kairo über den Umsturz, der dort zum Sturz des Regimes von Präsident Hosni Mubarak geführt hatte. Ghonim schien dabei zu ignorieren, dass zwischen seiner Aussage und seiner Präsenz auf der Bühne ein gewisser Widerspruch bestand: Denn Ghonim selbst, ein Marketing-Manager bei Google, der wegen seinen Online-Aktivitäten zwölf Tage lang von der ägyptischen Polizei festgehalten worden war, wurde zur Galionsfigur des Umsturzes. Dennoch waren sich die Medien, zumal die westlichen, am Tage nach Mubaraks Rücktritt einig: Der Erfolg des wochenlangen Protestes was not due to a charismatic leader - this was the "Facebook revolution." In the mantra-like repetition of this term is revealed his double meaning is meant not only was allegedly triggered by Facebook and other online platforms, political upheaval, but also cited by Facebook "revolution" in digital communication.

detailed discussions


The events in Tunisia and Egypt can inflame the debate about the political influence of social media in full. But the seemingly simple question - promotes the Internet is democracy or not? - Is complex and full of pitfalls. severed as the Egyptian regime in response to the protests all Internet access in the country, laid the two sides on their way. The fact that a regime is genötig feel to block its citizens access to the system shows the danger that constitute the Internet for authoritarian regimes, arguing that one. That the protests lost nothing in power, as the Egyptian lines were suddenly dead prove, but that the Internet play a crucial role, replied the other.

this case, not the two sides of the debate as far apart: In a online discussion of the British magazine The Economist on presented one of the participants, John Palfrey, discovered something surprising that he and his opponent in terms of content contrary only in details. And yet we come to very different conclusions. "Palfrey's not really satisfactory explanation for this was that he was holding an optimist.

His opponent in the online discussion, Evgeny Morozov , described Palfrey as "Internet centrist". Morozov used the term in his brief before the uprisings in the Middle East published book, "The Net Delusion," in which he argues that the democratic hopes that the West is in the Internet is not just excessive, but downright dangerous.

of breasts and policy


Free access to information to citizens of a country do not automatically politically active, Morozov argued. Either the simple and risk-free online activism would - as a matter has to support on Facebook - displace the actual offline activism simple. Or people would simply use the media access to entertainment and diversion. A study Morozov quoted extensively, claims to have found that access to Western television, the inhabitants of the GDR was less active politically. And in Russia, where Internet access is hardly limited, but would be good reason to resist the political leadership, would the network breasts discussed more intensively than politics.

Morozov often sarcastic criticism in this regard is not convincing. The comparison with the television just ignore the power of participatory social media platforms, which is in the political environment is so important. And the theory of repression can be at least on the current state of knowledge is not maintained, wie der Forscher Henrik Serup Christensen in einer Meta-Studie schreibt : «Es besteht eine - wenn auch schwache - Verbindung zwischen politischer Aktivität im Netz und offline.» Oder, um es mit Stephen Poole vom «Guardian» weniger akademisch auszudrücken : «Man kann durchaus an Brüsten und Politik gleichzeitig interessiert sein.»

 

Das neue Samizdat?


Schwieriger zu kontern ist Morozovs zweites zentrales Argument: Dass nämlich digitale Kommunikation für autoritäre Herrscher mindestens so nützlich ist wie für ihre Opponents. Not only can a regime, such as limiting in Egypt or in China the use of the Internet, social media platforms can be used for propaganda. Morozov points out that Russian President Medvedev runs a popular blog where people can leave comments, and that Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez has a popular account on Twitter.

Even Clay Shirky, one of the apologists of the digital revolution, Morozov is largely right on this point. But Shirkys argument is more subtle: a direct link between short-term political change and social media platforms He wants in an article in "Foreign Affairs" not construct . But over time, so Shirky, social media may well exert influence. Not because they could not be released directly to upheavals. Rather, the media theorist Shirky writes, because these platforms are not only the dissemination of information, but also the discussion and thus help the formation of opinions. Social media have the potential to carry the emergence of a "common political consciousness."

Shirky This makes the crucial point of the debate: social media - and the power generally - not just as tools for the acceleration political change are considered. Twitter is no diplomacy by other means, and Facebook is not the samizdat of our time. Social media platforms have the potential to change, communication and collaboration essential. But a positive political impact they will have only if proper conditions are met.

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Nota .

My God, what a blah. The network itself does nothing. It depends on the people who make it and what of it. And the fact that they know that and do not mind dancing around the network such as around the golden calf.
JE



Monday, March 7, 2011

8 Month Baby Dry Cough

dangers of software orthodoxy.

from FAZ.NET, 26. 4. 2010

The ash cloud of anti-knowledge


The software leads state in the intellectual passivity - Why do we go mad if we rely on computer simulations.

By David Gelernter
.

in the FAZ of 19 April 2010 (see triumph of the simulations to the intuition ) Frank Schirrmacher, the cloud of volcanic ash, which led to a day-long shutdown of European airspace, interpreted as a metaphor and bad omen - I think rightly so. Just over a week ago plunged sophisticated computer models of Europe travel into chaos. Our growing reliance on such software simulations for the future involves at least two dangers.

First, that we are in a permanent cloud of ash be wrapped in anti-knowledge when meeting software models are wrong predictions that sanctioned by the venerable imprimatur of the scientific priesthood, brought by the press as an ugly rumor, approved by the United Nations in haste and made by politicians around the world as the basis of their actions be.

Software faith can lead to crippling dependency


Because many of the software models to which we rely, too complex, than to understand the public, they could - and often too complex than anyone they could understand - that are similar judgments they proclaim us, the inexplicable bureaucratic dictates a Kafkaesque state, which is unquestionably afford to follow, although no one can explain it.

is the second, even greater danger: So, how, in a litigious, spread with lawyers crammed state moral passivity, because law takes the place of ethics, engages in a software state intellectual passivity around. Software faith can be a crippling addiction. The college students I teach are grown naturally with pocket calculators. Consequently, they sometimes nonsensical answers to numerical problems, because their calculators or computers spit out nonsensical answers: The students have made errors in data entry, but have not enough common number sense to realize that in addition, the results of their calculations by orders of magnitude.

The thesis of the Erderwärung meet with skepticism


The blind faith in the mystery of Kafka's computer science leaders have already led to considerable difficulties. Carbon dioxide emissions could cause global warming, civilizational, and we do not know it yet. Global warming, which could be caused by carbon dioxide emissions could be dangerous and we do not know yet. What we know is that the civilization-related global warming a scientific hypothesis is a provisional basis, which should be approached with skepticism - because you should all such hypotheses with skepticism and since the climate naturally fluctuates between colder and warmer periods.

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the subject
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We also know that we owe the computer models, which we predict by the man-made global warming, in turn, with Skepsis begegnen muss - weil man jedes komplexe Stück Software mit Skepsis behandeln sollte und weil das Klimageschehen derart komplex ist, dass unsere Softwaremodelle auf diesem Feld besonders grobschlächtig ausfallen; bei einigen einschlägigen Testläufen konnten sie die Vergangenheit nicht vorausberechnen - und die Zukunft erst recht nicht. Es geht darum, auch bei Dingen, die wir moralisch richtig finden, skeptisch und lernfähig zu bleiben, solange wir nicht imstande sind, die Aussagen rational nachzuvollziehen.

 

Wir haben reichlich Zeit zum Nachdenken


Skepsis ist in diesem Fall auch deshalb besonderes angebracht, because a substantial influence would cost the global carbon dioxide emissions trillion dollars - money we could for the medicine or science or issue for parks, for the formation or feeding humanity, for the exploration of outer space or for museums or for each village to help the planet to a decent sanitation and clean drinking water. Money we spend maybe not, and instead the people who generate it, could make for their own use. In any case the climate changes slowly when it changes, and we have plenty of time to think about it in peace. Instead, we have decided to put trillions of dollars and the health of the entire world economy on a roll of the dice.
What you have just read, could write a Erzgrüner. These considerations correspond to the most basic sense, they bring nothing to the expression as the control system on which the modern scientific era has rested from the beginning. But we are intoxicated by computer simulations that hide our eyes and dull our discernment. Why are we content ourselves with technologists and scientists to the one true adult and to explain to us how to behave themselves like children?

A new era of intellectual servitude


In England called a socialist community, in which government bureaucrats monitor a compliant citizenship, guardianship or Bevormundungsstaat. The software state is a Bevormundungsstaat par excellence, in which the nanny who only wants the best, replaced by the powerful priests of a mystery cult, was speaking a strange language and has the power to direct the lives of citizens and the fate of nations. How Schirrmacher wrote: "Today stops the computer simulation of air traffic, at a cost that go daily to the hundreds of millions. What will they do tomorrow? What she does now, without us knowing it? And what is the price "

Some time ago I published a book entitled" Mirror Worlds "(1991; German" Mirror Worlds in the computer, "1996)?. There I argued that the reality will be reflected in cyberspace the same way as a village in the motionless water of the village pond. The book concludes with a fictional debate between a technologist and a humanist. The humanist claims that mirror worlds - and sophisticated computer simulations are a form of "mirror world" - to bring about a new era of intellectual servitude are. "Not that I am suspicious of software experts who develop and build," says the humanist, "I think they are responsible, professional type. They are suited to take care of us. And that is precisely the problem. Slavery is a state of dependency - I do not understand these things, but I rely on them, not only for convenience, but to think at all. The result is called feudalism, whether an actual or an intellectual. "

is in my book, the humanist with his argument through. In real life wins the technologist, and the rest of us, all of us everywhere - we lose.


David Gelernter , born 1955, has created with his research, the foundations of the World Wide Web. His name is closely linked to the overnight success of the digital age associated his book "Mirror Worlds" (1991) takes almost all of the developments of digital communications in the last two decades in advance. On 24 1993 he opened a package: the explosive charge of the Una-bomber Ted Kaczynski, who wanted to kill the minds of the Revolution and one of the most important computer scientists had chosen. Today Gelernter Professor of computer science at Yale.

from English by Michael Adrian .

Nadine Jansen In The Car

Facebook revolutions ...


from FAZ.NET, 7th 3. 2011

Tweets sent dictators overthrown?


The role of social networks like Facebook in the roll-over in North Africa and the Middle East is overrated: they are an important tool, nothing more, however - even if cyber-utopians not like to admit.

By Evgeny Morozov


It was very entertaining to-follow, as the cyber-utopians - in their eyes, the digital Werkzeuge der sozialen Netzwerke wie Facebook und Twitter gesellschaftliche Umstürze aus dem Nichts heraufbeschwören können – miteinander darum wetteiferten, einen weiteren Nagel in den Sarg des Cyber-Realismus zu schlagen. Diese realistische Position in Bezug auf die digitale Welt vertrete ich in meinem Buch „The Net Delusion“ („Der Netztrug“). Ich argumentiere dort, dass die digitalen Werkzeuge schlicht und einfach, nun ja, Werkzeuge sind und ein Umbruch auch heute nur durch eine Vielzahl von Bemühungen von politischen Institutionen und Reformbewegungen zustande kommt.

Da die Cheerleader des Internets den Cyber-Realismus nicht begraben und selbst can not get out of the story remained, they have no other choice than to tinker with a straw man out of the cyber-realistic position: As said this, the Internet is irrelevant. This is obviously a cartoon that is inconsistent with those passages of my book in line, in which it explicitly states, to name just one example, that "the Internet is important and revolutionary, as it believed the recent theories of his biggest supporters "make.

air from the dream cyberutopischen

You could also the ongoing persecution of the author Malcolm Gladwell (Tipping Point "," Blink: The Power of Thinking ") directing. Increasingly, one tries to draw Gladwell as a kind of new Luddites, because he dared to let the air out of the cyberutopischen dream. In an online chat, the Gladwell conducted shortly after his pertinent criticism of the idea of a "Twitter Revolution" of last October on the website of the New Yorker, "he said as many as three times explicitly, the Internet can be an effective tool for political his conversion, when grassroots organizations use of it and do not isolated individuals.

easy to show that the protests in the Arab world with the help of the Internet made public, and even organized caught, thus not in the least to Gladwell's argument (with which I, but this way only, not all agree bin). In order to refute them, would the cyber-utopians show that the protests were not through networks of grassroots activists - with leaders and hierarchies - has been performed, which had attached before the outbreak of the riots (online or offline or both, form) close links.
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Does the technology have a key role?


What we know so far, but that's close sets. Such were the main organizers of the Egyptian Facebook movement while not revolutionary leader in the traditional sense. How could it be otherwise noted, given the dismal track record in turning such leading figures, the former president Hosni Mubarak in aid Washington has? And yet they acted as guides and took a strategic approach by, or even a few days appeared before the protests - no different than the leader of a revolutionary cell would have done.

also celebrated in the press cooperation between Tunisian and Egyptian cyber-activists did not take place in virtual space. Within a week I appeared unannounced in May 2009 in two (independently run) workshops in Cairo, in which exchanged present in person bloggers, techies and activists from both countries on approaches and tips to circumvent the censorship. One of the participants was the Tunisian blogger Amamou Slim, who is now Secretary of State for Youth and Sport in the Tunisian transitional government. One of these events was financed by the U.S. government, the other from George Soros' Open Society Foundations "(with whom I am in contact).



There were many meetings, not only in Cairo but also in Beirut and Dubai. Most of them were never made public, because this is the safety of many of its participants would have imperiled - but punish them lies the idea that the protests had been organized by randomly got into it people who do something aimlessly online. Those who believe that these networks were purely virtual and spontaneously knows just nothing about the recent history of cyber-activism in North Africa and the Middle East - all Not to mention the sometimes successful, but usually fruitless support from Western governments, foundations and companies, which he has received.

In the soup respectively onto iPads spat


The development of this activist network trace would require more than just to study their Facebook profiles, it would be a laborious research - on the phone and archives - which does not do overnight. One reason why we are still talking about the role of Twitter and Facebook, is that the immediate aftermath of the Arab spring let's so little other conversation, a thorough policy analysis of the causes of these revolutions years will need. This points to the real reason why so many cyber-utopians were angry at Gladwell: In a blog addendum to his article, which appeared as the Tahrir Square was lined with crowds, he ventured the suggestion that the injustices that the Demonstrators have taken to the streets deserve far more attention than the means by which they organized themselves preferably. He had spat in the network gurus in the soup - or worse, on their iPads, and they responded as well.

Still had Gladwell right: Today is the role of the telegraph in the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 - not unlike the cassette recorder in the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the fax machine in the revolutions of 1989 - at best a handful of academic interest and for hardly anyone else, the technology fetishism is the most immediately after a revolution, sounds but then after a short time. announced in his bestseller "The Magic Lantern of 1990 Timothy Garton Ash, that" Tele revolutions at the end of the twentieth century, all the revolutions in Europe "- but in hindsight does the role of television but bad secondary.

Revolutions are never spontaneous


If the history Twitter and Facebook in twenty years bring a similar fate? In all likelihood, yes. The fascination that trigger technology-driven representations of political change now will fade: The actual history of successful popular uprisings tends to move generally attributed to the key technology in the background. By highlighting the liberating role of the rapporteur of the technical means and downplay the role of human action, they enable a sense of pride in their own contribution to the events. Finally, the argument would have been such a spontaneous uprising without Facebook is not crowned with success - Silicon Valley which belongs the lion's share of earnings. Of course, if the survey was not spontaneous, and their leaders took advantage of Facebook, just because there is all the world, the story sounds not so glamorous.

offer Second, social media - because they are "social" are - for the tongue-ready overestimate their own importance in Verkünderton on. 1989 employed the Faxhersteller not an army of lobbyists, and the fax users felt sich diesen klobigen Geräten nicht derart verbunden wie die Facebooknutzer von heute ihrem allmächtigen Netzwerk.

 

F acebook-Konto abmelden, etwas mehr Aufwand treiben


Vielleicht bringen die übersteigerten Ansprüche, die gegenwärtig im Westen für die sozialen Medien reklamiert werden, nur ein westliches Schuldgefühl darüber zum Ausdruck, so viel Zeit mit ebendiesen Medien zu verschwenden. Wenn es dazu beiträgt, in Nordafrika Demokratie zu verbreiten, kann es schließlich nicht so schlecht sein, seine Zeit damit zu vertrödeln, dass man seine Freunde „anstupst“. Die jüngste Technologiegeschichte legt freilich nahe, dass es mit der Popularität von Facebook und Twitter vorbei sein wird, sobald das Online-Publikum weiterzieht. Heute erröten die Technogurus bei der Erinnerung an die akademischen Konferenzen, die einmal zur „MySpace-Revolution“ abgehalten wurden.

Drittens sind die Menschen, die uns aus erster Hand über die Proteste berichten, zu enthusiastisch für eine ausgeglichene Sicht. Könnte es sein, dass der Google-Marketingleiter Wael Ghonim, der zum Gesicht des ägyptischen Aufstands wurde und ein eigenes Buch über die „Revolution announced 2.0 "has exaggerated the role of technology and at the same time playing down his own role in the preparation of the protests? The former employee of Radio Free Europe and Voice of America has to first find the non-assumption, Western radio broadcasts that led to the fall of the Berlin Wall. This is not to say that all these means of communication have played in those decades ago overturns not matter - but that the parties directly involved do not always have to assess how it came to these cataclysmic events. If they are not to a future pesky Bars and discussions with the graying slightly eccentric to the last of the Mohicans glorious Faxzeiten of 1989 or the true believers condemn the Radio Free Europe-revolution do, then, the cyber-utopians log out of our day of their Facebook accounts and a bit more effort.

from English by Michael Adrian .


Evgeny Morozov recently the book "The Net Delusion," published and is a visiting lecturer at Stanford University